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China’s Culture Wars 2012年中国の人権問題のゆくえ? 本日英文、明日和訳掲載

 本日は、エバン・オスノス氏が1/6に投稿しているブログの英文を掲載します。明日、和訳掲載予定です。



January 6, 2012

China’s Culture Wars




 本日のコラムは、新年と言うことで、オソノス氏が中国のとある学者と面会したことに関してのコラムです。


 1991年12月にソ連が崩壊しましたから、それからちょうど20年経ったわけですが、今年は中国はどうなるのでしょうか。題名が"culture war"となっていますから、中国とどこかとの文化の戦争を意味していますが、どこかとの戦争かと言うと、アメリカを中心とする西側との戦争という意味と、中国国内での戦争と言う意味の2とおりのようです。


 中国は共産党独裁で、人権が尊重されてないと批判する方も多いようですが、徐々に変ってきているようです。昨年は、広州で農民の反乱がありましたが、実は無血で解決しています。これは広州だけが中国の中で異質なのか、中国全体が変ってきているのかは分りません。でも、学生デモ隊を戦車で鎮圧した時代と比べると大きな変化です。詳細は明日掲載予定の和訳をご覧ください。




では、以下に英文全文を掲載します。「続きを読む」をクリックして下さい。

January 6, 2012

China’s Culture Wars




I spent time yesterday with a professor at China’s Central Party School, the training ground for senior Communist cadres, once headed by the incoming Chinese president Xi Jinping. When I asked the professor if his peers had paused much to take note of the twentieth anniversary of the fall of the Soviet Union, his eyes widened. “Oh yes,” he said. “Everyone is talking about it.”

When Mikhail Gorbachev resigned as president of the Soviet Union, and declared his office extinct, on December 25, 1991, it was the final confluence of forces that had been gathering for years, but it was also a reflection of his particular political and cultural chemistry. Even as a young man with a promising Communist future, Gorbachev had been prone to questioning. “Respected professor,” he once said, in 1952, challenging a lecturer who was leading the class through a mindless recitation. “What is your interpretation of the reading, and why don’t we discuss it?” He ended up in the dean’s office—and, decades later, echoes of that skepticism, rippling across the country, would signal the unravelling of the empire.

This week also happens to mark the thirty-fifth anniversary of the Czech human-rights declaration known as Charter 77. China takes its anniversaries seriously, so perhaps it’s no coincidence that Chinese leaders have opened 2012 with a warning: “We must clearly see that international hostile forces are intensifying the strategic plot of Westernizing and dividing China,” president Hu Jintao wrote in an essay and speech. “And ideological and cultural fields are the focal areas of their long-term infiltration.” He went on, “We should deeply understand the seriousness and complexity of the ideological struggle, always sound the alarms and remain vigilant, and take forceful measures to be on guard and respond.”

It’s tempting to take the vitriol on its face, as directed at the West. But there is another reading: Party hard-liners know that the more potent threat lies within its own borders, in the race to maintain support around a hollowing ideology. As Damian Ma of the Eurasia Group puts it in a smart post at The Atlantic: “The ‘culture war’ is not truly meant to be waged against nefarious U.S. cultural encroachments. It is instead part of a battle to sustain the confidence of its own people—via nationalism, Confucian tenets, wealth, cultural renaissance, or whatever substitute that can be dreamed up—or risk the consequences. The war is, and has always been, about defining the soul of the modern Chinese nation.”

China’s culture wars have been joined from all sides. One wing to watch is a strain of tolerant thinking coming out of the South, where Guangdong party chief Wang Yang recently succeeded in resolving a village standoff without bloodshed and now proposes that as a template for other crises. “People’s democratic awareness is increasing significantly in this changing society,” Wang said in a speech delivered to the provincial party congress on Tuesday. “When their appeals for rights aren’t getting enough attention, that’s when mass incidents happen.”

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[ 2012/01/08 22:49 ] LETTER FROM CHINA | TB(0) | CM(0)
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